In his speech, Imran Khan also referred to former Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto who, in a highly emotional speech at a joint sitting of the Pakistani parliament 45 years ago, accused the United States of being behind the opposition movement against his government. Who wants to oust them.
Imran Khan said that when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto tried to give the country an independent foreign policy, he always liked independence, then the parties of Fazlur Rehman and Nawaz Sharif at that time started a movement against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Circumstances like today were created and because of these circumstances Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was hanged.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had said, "This is a huge global conspiracy with the financial support of the United States to oust me through my political rivals."
Explaining the reason, Bhutto said, "The United States will not forgive them for not supporting the United States in Vietnam and for supporting the Arabs against Israel."
In his speech, which lasted for an hour and 45 minutes, he described the United States as an elephant that neither forgets nor forgives.
According to Bhutto, the US conspiracy was successful and taking advantage of the PNA movement, a coalition of opposition parties, General Zia-ul-Haq imposed martial law on July 5, 1977.
Bhutto was then tried for the murder of Nawab Muhammad Ahmad Khan Kasuri. In his statement to the court, he claimed that "all this is happening to him because he was determined to make Pakistan a nuclear power and despite warnings from US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger when he When he refused to back down from his nuclear program, Henry Kissinger threatened to "set a precedent for you."
This alleged statement of the US Secretary of State is still echoing in the political history of Pakistan and this threat and its consequences have a great role in the situation that Pakistan is facing today.
However, the only witness to this is Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who in the last days of his rule and even after his arrest, was constantly shouting and trying to show that the United States is conspiring against him and the opposition parties and locals of Pakistan.
Industrialists whose industries were taken into national custody are involved in this conspiracy.
Bhutto was trying to mobilize the people of Pakistan on this point but it was too late. In the meantime, he reiterated his claim to Henry Kissinger's threat in several places. In his case, Bhutto told a full bench of the Lahore High Court, headed by Maulvi Mushtaq, that he had been threatened by US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.
Henry Kissinger's statement "We will make you a terrible example" has not been confirmed by any independent sources, but Gerald Furstein, Deputy Chief of Mission at the US Embassy in Islamabad, confirmed this in an interview with Pakistani media in April 2010. He was an eyewitness to a meeting in Lahore on August 10, 1976, as a protocol officer, in which Bhutto rejected Henry Kissinger's warning to end Pakistan's nuclear program.
He told a local TV channel that the United States was concerned about Pakistan's nuclear program, which was intended to equalize India's nuclear capability, and therefore sent Henry Kissinger to warn Bhutto.
"It is true that Bhutto rejected this warning and continued his nuclear program. I was a protocol officer when Kissinger came to Pakistan in August 1976 and met Bhutto in Lahore.
Gerald Furstein also said in his interview that the US election was imminent and the Democrats had a good chance of winning and they wanted to strictly adhere to the policy of nuclear non-proliferation and to make Pakistan an example in this regard. wanted. Kissinger also offered to provide Bhutto with an A-7 bomber if he gave up his nuclear program, and otherwise offered economic and military sanctions.
In his interview, Gerald Furstein described Bhutto as Pakistan's most talented, intelligent and capable politician despite his weaknesses.
Details of meetings with Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and US President Ford, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and other US officials are contained in State Department records. The record does not contain the phrase "we will make you a terrible example" but it does contain interesting dialogues which give an idea of Bhutto's grip on various issues.
For example, in the 183 Memorandum of Understanding, during a meeting between Bhutto and Kissinger in the presence of American and Pakistani diplomats in Islamabad on October 31, 1974, Kissinger mentions American farmers with whom he and his The US government is facing difficulties.
Kissinger says American farmers are accustomed to selling their produce in a free market in an environment of surplus production in a country where conditions are different and the country has a problem allocating resources. So Bhutto says, "I remember some time ago, probably some experts at Harvard University, suggested to me that Pakistan should focus on industrial production instead of increasing wheat production, because there is always a surplus of wheat in the United States." There will be production and Pakistan's needs will continue to be met.
In addition to Gerald Furstein, former US Attorney General Ramsay Clarke wrote in an article that "I do not believe in conspiracy theories but there are great similarities between the riots in Chile and Pakistan. In Chile, too, the CIA allegedly helped topple President Salvador Allende.
Ramsay Clark, who witnessed the trial of Bhutto himself, wrote that it was a ridiculous case fought in a kangaroo court.
Ramsay Clark wanted to fight the case of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and went to Pakistan in this regard but he was not allowed to do so by General Zia-ul-Haq. He called Bhutto's execution a "legitimate political assassination." Ramsay Clark died on April 9 this year at the age of 93.
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| Henry Kissinger |
Ali Jaffar Zaidi is one of the early PPP workers who remained close to Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. In March 1968, he was appointed the first editor of the PPP's weekly ideological magazine Nusrat, with Hanif Rama as its editor-in-chief. Ali Jafar Zaidi was the editor of this magazine for five years. He is also the author of a book, Inside the Jungle Outside Fire.
Explaining the background of these incidents, he said that in those days US President Richard Nixon and Bhutto had a very good friendship. When President Ford arrived, Henry Kissinger was his security adviser and secretary of state. This is the year 1976 when the United States was preparing for the presidential election and Jimmy Carter was also in the race for the presidency.
Jimmy Carter was against Pakistan on two counts. One on the nuclear program and the other on the human rights situation.
Mr Bhutto said in a statement to the court that Henry Kessner had said that if you did not cancel, change or suspend the reprocessing plant contract, we would set a "terrible example" for you.
In response, Bhutto said that for the sake of his country, for the sake of the people of Pakistan, he would not accept this blackmail and threat.
Earlier, in 1974, when India tested an atomic bomb under the name 'Smiling Buddha', Bhutto had expressed his concerns and reservations to Henry Kissinger and said that Pakistan's integrity and survival was in danger.
In response, Kissinger said that what was supposed to happen has now happened and now Pakistan has to live with that fact.
Bhutto then became more serious about Pakistan's nuclear program, which he was already working on.
After the invade of 1965, Bhutto had differences with Ayub Khan. When he moved to Vienna in 1965, Dr. Munir Ahmad Khan was in a senior position at the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). He told Bhutto that India had started preparations to build an atomic bomb through its nuclear program.
According to Ali Jafar Zaidi, Bhutto had since developed his mind on the nuclear program.
Bhutto was basically a Pakistani nationalist. He was not ready to accept Indian domination over Pakistan in any way. So, since 1965, they have been mentally prepared for the nuclear program.
According to Ali Jaffar Zaidi, in 1972, Bhutto persuaded Dr. Munir Ahmad Khan and made him chairman of the Pakistan Institute of Nuclear Science and Technology and appointed Dr. Abdul Salam as science and technology adviser.
Thus began work on the country's nuclear program. When I started working for Quaid-e-Azam University, it was an institution affiliated with the Pakistan Institute of Nuclear Science and Technology. Because the planning and development of the university was my responsibility, so the planning and development of this institute was also my responsibility.
Because of the security and sensitive issues at stake, Bhutto later took over the institute directly from the Quaid-e-Azam University, which was then the Islamabad University, and made it an independent institution. I was subdued.
When I was the editor of the weekly Nusrat, I used to translate many of Bhutto's writings into Urdu. He authored a book, Myth of Independence, in 1970, which I translated into Urdu. In this book, Bhutto wrote that if we continued our nuclear program only for peaceful purposes and India gained the upper hand in nuclear weapons, it would continue to blackmail us. India will gain the upper hand over Pakistan's air force and Pakistan will lose the Northern Territories and Kashmir. While the rest of Pakistan will be divided on the basis of ethnicity and divided into smaller states.
In Pakistan, the Atomic Energy Commission was set up in 1957, but its purpose was to obtain energy, while Bhutto wanted to get an atomic bomb in comparison to India.
"It simply came to our notice then. Therefore, Pakistan's nuclear program was a threat in the eyes of these countries and efforts were made to remove the threat.
In 1976 and 1977, when the PNA movement was running against the Bhutto government, Jimmy Carter became President of the United States and Henry Kissinger was replaced by Cyrus Venus. Many political observers believe that the opposition movement had American support.
US President Jimmy Carter called the PNA movement a human rights movement and said Bhutto wanted to crush it. The movement was funded by the United States and was in fact related to Pakistan's nuclear program.
The day Bhutto addressed a joint sitting of Parliament and accused the United States of trying to overthrow his government, probably on the second day and Dr. Saeed Shafqat was walking towards a restaurant in Pindi where a Sahib We were invited for tea. We were walking from Hathi Chowk to Edward Road in Saddar when suddenly Bhutto Sahib reached there and got out of his car and asked me about my condition. Seeing them, people gathered there. Mr. Bhutto gave a short speech there. During the speech, he also waved a letter from then US Secretary of State Cyrus Venus threatening Bhutto once again. Waving the letter, he said to the people present there, "Look, I am not the only threat, but Pakistan is in danger."
Ali Jafar Zaidi recalls that Bhutto used to say that for God's sake understand this movement that America is behind it. This movement has started because I am refusing to end the nuclear program.
One of the other faults of Bhutto was that in 1974 he brought together important leaders of Islamic countries and convened an Islamic conference in Islamabad. The resolutions passed in this conference that the Muslim world should have its own currency, its own parliament, oil prices should be set by the Muslim countries themselves and so on. That was not acceptable to the United States.
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| During his visit to Pakistan, President Nixon gets out of a limousine |
Bhutto's political mistakes
But the question is why a public leader Bhutto could not mobilize the people.
Ali Jafar Zaidi says that after the PPP won the elections, millions of people from the Conventional League and other leagues were joining the PPP.
In 1973, I disagreed with Bhutto on this point because I said that these were the people who had abducted the girls from the houses of our workers. If these people come and go in the party, then our real power, our workers and people will be away from us and when the difficult time comes, these newcomers will run away and when we fall to the ground, there will be no people.
Bhutto ignored this inner strength, ignored the forces that were his real strength, the party workers and the people by whom the great battle he wanted to fight could be fought.
When Bhutto was on trial in Lahore, no more than thirty or forty people came on that occasion. Bhutto was overconfident that people were with him and he would mobilize them whenever he wanted. He wanted to focus on foreign policy and fight the world powers.
Ayesha Jalal, a historian and author of several books on Pakistan's political history, writes in her book, The Struggle for Pakistan, that if Bhutto had learned a lesson from Pakistan's political history, he might have avoided the July 5, 1977 military coup.
He was overconfident and optimistic about his army chief (General Zia-ul-Haq). He started negotiations with the PNA in the hope that they would surround him. In order to gain immediate political advantage, he accepted all the demands of the PNA except his resignation.
But it was too late for them to make a decision and the delay in the talks had given the PNA leadership a chance to contact the army. Nine additional demands were added to the list of demands. Now the opposition is demanding not only new elections but also the withdrawal of constitutional amendments that were related to restrictions on civil liberties and judicial authority. Besides, the withdrawal of troops from Balochistan and the abolition of the tribunal set up in the Hyderabad conspiracy case were also among the demands.
Ayesha Jalal writes that General Zia-ul-Haq accepted all the demands except the last two after taking power. This reinforces the idea that they wanted to seize power from the beginning and therefore wanted negotiations to fail. In the early days of July 1977, all arrangements were made for a military coup.
Speaking to the press in the middle of the night on July 5, Bhutto said that he too could have come up with new terms but he was not as helpless as the PNA negotiating team and would sign the agreement in the morning. But it was not his turn and General Zia-ul-Haq imposed martial law.
Ali Jafar Zaidi recalls the last days of Bhutto's rule and says that he made many efforts in the world of despair. When he reached out to Russia, he went to meet Maulana Maududi to get his support, but it was too late. He himself felt that the matter was now out of his hands.
According to Ayesha Jalal, Bhutto had appointed a man as the head of the army in the hope that he would be overpowered by her and thus he would be able to control an institution without any accountability. Has been overthrowing elected governments in Pakistan. "This was Bhutto's irreparable mistake in understanding the situation."
"Even if General Zia-ul-Haq did not follow the instructions of the United States, as Bhutto had alleged from prison, the actions of General Zia-ul-Haq in the days to come show that he had a definite plan which the top leadership of the army Was supported.
The arrival of a new administration in the United States under President Jimmy Carter and the escalation of Bhutto's local troubles were two events that began at about the same time.
"The new US administration wanted to adhere to the principle of nuclear non-proliferation and that was the main reason for its pressure on Pakistan. This pressure was not due to the geopolitical situation in South Asia, nor was it due to the fact that the US administration was taking decisions with a very close eye on these situations.
Ayesha Jalal writes that in contrast to President Jimmy Carter, President Nixon and President Ford's Republican administration had a sympathetic attitude towards Pakistan and understood Pakistan's defense difficulties and weaknesses compared to India.
In the Nixon and Ford administrations, US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger urged Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto to get rid of the idea of becoming a nuclear power. When he could not persuade Pakistan to cancel the nuclear reprocessing plant agreement with France, he warned and said that the new administration would do its utmost to terminate the agreement and set an example for Pakistan in this regard. Will
Many political analysts of Pakistan's political history believe that Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's major political mistake was to call in the army to crush the tribal movement in Balochistan, to overthrow the National Awami Party's coalition government and to bring down his own party. Disorganization at the grassroots level was the reason why they could not get public support to cope with the difficult times.
According to Bhutto's claim, Henry Kissinger's threat to 'make you a terrible example' of this most popular and controversial politician of Pakistan may have been due to his own mistakes. It would have been easier.
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